Regional Plenum “Quo vadis, Balkan? in Sarajevo: EU and Models of Integration – Is the Enlargement Policy Exhausted?”
The Fifth Regional Plenum “Quo vadis, Balkan?” is being held in Sarajevo from June 6 to June 8. As in previous years, it will gather a significant number of experts, officials, organizations, academic and state institutions, decision-makers, as well as media representatives, diplomatic envoys, and the academic community.
This year, the partner organizations of the Regional Academy for Democratic Development from Novi Sad and the Center for Civic Education from Podgorica in organizing the Plenum are the Faculty of Political Sciences of the University of Sarajevo, with support from the European Fund for the Balkans. The Regional Plenum “Quo vadis, Balkan?” is one of the most significant regional initiatives bringing together prominent civil society organizations, experts, and activists focusing on democracy, reconciliation, and regional cooperation.
The sixth panel at this year’s plenum was dedicated to the European Union and different models of integration. The speakers on the panel were Aurelie Valtat, Head of the Section for European Communications, Policy, and Information from the EU Delegation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dr. Nedžma Džananović, a professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences at the University of Sarajevo, Dr. Nikoleta Đukanović, a professor at the University of Donja Gorica from Montenegro, Dr. Adnan Huskić, a professor at the Sarajevo School of Science and Technology from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Nataša Vučković, Executive Director of the Center for Democracy Foundation from Serbia, and Dr. Vedran Džihić, a lecturer at the University of Vienna and a member of BIEPAG. The moderator was Prof. Dr. Ehlimana Spahić from the Faculty of Political Sciences at the University of Sarajevo.
Adnan Huskić assessed that the negotiation framework can be viewed from several different angles and that Montenegro is still able to complete the negotiation process, but that it is also showing signs of serious democratic regression. Adding that this is the case with other countries in the region, he stated that the process of democratic regression and advancement in European integration should by no means be parallel processes. He said that each round of enlargement brought a new type of problem, and for this reason, Western Balkan countries are expected to resolve all bilateral disputes before being admitted to the EU, and their problems are numerous. He mentioned that Bosnia and Herzegovina is the first highly decentralized state trying to join the EU, which imposes a new kind of obligation, and that there is no consensus within the EU on enlargement. He concluded that the enlargement process has become a political tool for the EU, as evidenced by developments with Moldova and Ukraine.
Nedžma Džanović added that February 2022 was a moment when the unimaginable happened for the EU, as war returned to European soil, and Europe’s response was the only possible one. This geopolitical shift significantly impacted the EU’s enlargement policy. This led to the realization that the enlargement policy does not exist as a real policy, not even as a goal, but rather as an alibi policy, a perspective offered without the likelihood of being realized anytime soon, the only instrument the EU has at its disposal. This applies to the enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans, as well as towards Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia.
Nikoleta Đukanović stated that the EU is an unfinished political community, evident from its enlargement policy. She added that whenever the EU has been less present in the region, problems have arisen. She concluded that the EU’s policy is more driven by the fear of the influence of other major powers in the region. Adding that today we are talking about the process of EU reform and enlargement policy, she said that we have seen that the initiated reform has not yielded any results. She noted that it is obvious that the policy of conditionality no longer has the same impact on the Western Balkan countries as it once did, and that the longer the accession process takes, the more democracy erodes in negotiating countries. Speaking about Montenegro and its European integration, she concluded that if Montenegro, as it is today, is admitted to the EU in the next few years, it could cause numerous problems both in the EU and in Montenegro.
Nataša Vućković said that everyone agrees that the enlargement process appears exhausted, but it is not exhausted due to it being a technical process; it is political issues that have discredited the process. Citing the example of North Macedonia, she stated that no matter how enthusiastic governments are on this path, there can always be obstacles of a political nature. She said that in Serbia’s integration process, resolving the Kosovo issue has become the key moment of the entire process, questioning the significance of EU values. She added that another factor undermining the credibility of the enlargement policy is the constant change of approach, mechanisms, and priorities by the EU, requiring a lot of new energy and resource investment, while results are lacking. She emphasized that the policy of conditionality, which is in the forefront, is hard to sell, while partnership work, which yields much better results and contributes to better understanding between the two sides, is in the background. She highlighted the importance of the European Socio-Economic Committee’s pilot initiative to include members from the Western Balkans in its work, saying these are ways to ensure representatives of Western Balkan countries and their institutions are involved and present in EU activities and processes. She assessed that there are significant mistakes in the way the enlargement process is communicated by the EU and in the way reforms are communicated in the Western Balkan countries. She added that reforms carried out within European integration require a rational approach and a serious narrative, which often is lacking, and much attention must be paid to this communication. She concluded that it is clear that the political elites in the region do not see personal interest in the European integration process, but the motivation for every politician can be whether the process they are managing can lead to some result, and in that sense, it is crucial whether the real end of the process is visible.
Vedran Dražić emphasized that the question arises as to what is the area of experience we have when we talk about the integration of the Western Balkans into the EU, and unfortunately, it resembles the movie “Groundhog Day” where we wake up in a repeating reality for decades. The fact is that Montenegro began negotiations in 2012, Serbia in 2014, North Macedonia received candidate status in 2006, and this time dimension of the European integration process should always be in front of our eyes. On the other hand, listening to assessments of the European integration process, we have an incredible polyphony, and in some countries, like Serbia, since the beginning of the European integration process, there has been a regression of democracy. He said it is easier and more realistic to imagine a situation where the European integration process in the Western Balkans never ends, rather than one where it ends in the near future. He concluded that in our region, a new concept has emerged where a large part of our political elites tries to offer a concept for the present and future based on a past that is either invented or does not respond to any vision of a functional future, a process completely at odds with the concept of European integration.
Aurelie Valtat said that in the European integration process, it is desirable for countries to cooperate beyond and before the integration process and that this scenario complements the European integration process, not necessarily opposing it. She added that de-democratization is not specific to the Western Balkans; it is also present in the EU, and the key thing is how countries handle it. She stated that her impression is that, although it seems that the Western Balkans are no longer so important to the EU, the opposite is true – the EU wants the Western Balkans more than the Western Balkans want the European Union.
