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The Regional Academy for Democratic Development strongly condemns the escalation of violence in our society, the most recent example being the attack on conductor Ana Zorana Brajović following the performance of the opera “Cinderella” at the National Theatre, during which she expressed solidarity with students, high schoolers, and all citizens demanding accountability for the tragic loss of 15 lives in Novi Sad. This brutal act is merely part of a broader picture of violence and intolerance deliberately and systematically fueled by the authorities in our society.
The President of the Republic of Serbia recently openly encouraged his supporters to physically confront protesting citizens. The Minister of Interior recently threatened citizens and announced even greater use of physical force, while police brutality during crackdowns leaves citizens with lasting consequences. Such calls from the highest levels of government, combined with the failure of relevant institutions to respond, legitimize violence and directly endanger the safety of any individual who dares to voice dissent against the ruling policies.
We also recall the recent attacks on opposition politicians, including Dragan Đilas, the months-long targeting of students engaged in peaceful protests, and the daily dissemination of hate speech and intolerance through regime-controlled media. These actions are not only dangerous—they aim to suppress all critical thinking and calls for accountability.
We urge the relevant institutions to act immediately, identify and punish the perpetrators of all these acts of violence. We also demand that the President of the Republic and other government officials cease inciting citizens against one another and take responsibility for the lynch mob atmosphere they have created.
The Regional Academy for Democratic Development warns that a society that normalizes violence and hate speech is headed toward the complete collapse of democratic values and the rule of law. We will not remain silent in the face of this evident attempt to suppress citizens’ rights to free thought and peaceful protest through fear and violence.
Dr. Aleksandra Jerkov Regional Academy for Democratic Development
Tuesday, December 10th, at 6 PM, at the NDNV premises in Novi Sad
The Vojvodina Club, the Regional Academy for Democratic Development, the Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina, and the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia invite you to a panel dedicated to the tenth anniversary of the passing of Vojvodinian historian Prof. Dr. Ranko Končar. During the event, his posthumously published book, “Through Historical Thought to Understanding the Past and Present,” edited by historian Dr. Milivoj Bešlin, will be presented. Copies of the book will be distributed to attendees following the discussion.
The panel will take place on Tuesday, December 10th, at 6 PM, at the NDNV premises in Novi Sad (Spens, Sutjeska 2, Entrance 8, near the Court).
The speakers include:
Historian Dr. Milivoj Bešlin
President of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, Sonja Biserko
Dr. Aleksandra Jerkov from the Regional Academy for Democratic Development
Journalist Branka Dragović Savić
The discussion will be moderated by NDNV’s Program Director and University Professor, Dr. Dinko Gruhonjić.
Ranko Končar’s research focused on the contemporary history of Vojvodina and its autonomy. His public engagement was marked by criticism of nationalist tendencies and historical revisionism, as well as the defense of antifascist values and Vojvodina’s autonomy.
“It is certain that the struggle for Vojvodina’s autonomy will not politically atrophy. Due to its specific national structure and historical foundations, it will evolve as an element of Serbia’s democratization and Europeanization.”
Does this quote by Professor Končar, taken from a 2008 interview, sound utopian today? Does Vojvodina have the strength for autonomy? And does Serbia even want democracy?
Regional Academy for Democratic Development from Novi Sad expresses deep concern over the violence and incidents during last night’s protests in our city, as well as the way security services treated protest participants and organizers.
We are especially alarmed by information suggesting that groups of hooligans, who openly instigated unrest and destroyed property under the watchful eye of the police who did not intervene, were left unpunished. It is completely unacceptable for the police to use violent individuals as a pretext for repressive measures against protest organizers, participants, opposition politicians, and civic activists. Not only is this approach unacceptable and illegal, but it also creates an atmosphere of fear and insecurity among citizens.
We demand the immediate release of all activists and citizens detained, without extending detention, allowing them the right to defend themselves freely. We demand the prompt release of Novi Sad City Assembly councilor Miša Bačulov and former Vice President of the Vojvodina Government, Goran Ješić. We also call for the proper prosecution and sanctioning of police officers who, while dressed in civilian clothing, arrested citizens without proper identification and procedural adherence, as well as all individuals who participated illegally in detaining citizens.
The regional Academy for Democratic Development firmly believes that transparency in police work and the respect of citizens’ rights to peaceful assembly are the foundation of a democratic society. We call on the competent institutions to investigate these events and respond to the questions that have arisen in this context.
Regional Academy for Democratic Development Novi Sad
The Regional Academy for the Development of Democracy expresses serious concern regarding repeated voter migration manipulations, which pose an increasing risk to the stability of the Western Balkans. After similar scenarios were witnessed during elections in Serbia and Montenegro, voters are now being organized from Serbia to participate in the local elections in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
This practice further undermines the already fragile democratic structure in the region, where Vučić’s regime uses its resources and networks to manipulate electoral processes in neighboring countries. During the elections in Srebrenica, a significant number of people from Serbia were observed arriving, raising concerns about the legitimacy of the electoral process and the intentions of these voters who do not reside in Srebrenica. According to information from the electoral commission, more voters have cast ballots than are registered.
The Regional Academy for the Development of Democracy calls on the international community to monitor and intervene in such situations to ensure transparency and respect for democratic principles. It is particularly important that the laws and standards of residence and citizenship are adhered to, ensuring that elections are fair and free.
Our region must not be held hostage by Vučić’s manipulation of weekend voters, which undermines democracy and threatens the peace and stability we have fought hard to achieve. We call on all relevant institutions, both in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, to urgently address these irregularities and safeguard the integrity of democratic processes.
The disgraceful and brutal attack by the Prime Minister of Serbia, Miloš Vučević, on the student from Novi Sad, Mila Pajić, is the latest example of dishonor, arrogance, and autocracy. The Prime Minister, who attacked an activist from a position of power by labeling her a promoter of Ustaše ideology, a Serb-hater, and a destroyer of the state, is directly targeting her, calling for her lynching and endangering her safety.
Student Mila Pajić, whose only “crime” was opposing the occupation of the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad and stating that we must confront the crimes committed in the past, dared to speak publicly at a protest that did not sit well with Vučević. She has become a suitable victim for the Prime Minister, who has launched a full-scale attack on her, directing, like any bully, his anger and frustrations towards those he knows are weaker than him. Miloš Vučević, aware and frustrated by the fact that he has no real say either in the government or in the party he leads, chooses his targets exclusively among those he considers unprotected, those on whom he thinks he can “exercise authority,” and those he believes he can intimidate and silence. Even for this government, known for its brutal persecution of anyone who dares to criticize it, such an act is unprecedented.
Vučević must resign for his attack on a citizen, student, and activist. It is the duty of everyone today to stand in defense of Mila Pajić—both international institutions and citizens. By doing so, we defend freedom of speech, critical thinking, and protect all those people and all those students who think for themselves and refuse to accept the uniformity, autocracy, and violence that the government generates, among other things, through such calls for the lynching of dissenters.
Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić continued the persecution of professor and journalist Dinko Gruhonjić with his statement yesterday, supporting the violent blockade of the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad.
It is unprecedented for a president of a country to address university professors in such a manner, telling them “shame on you,” fully aware that the video which initiated the witch hunt against Dinko Gruhonjić was edited and that he did not praise any war criminal. It seems Aleksandar Vučić has forgotten that individuals have lost their lives following such media campaigns.
As the most powerful man in the country, Aleksandar Vučić is sending a message to the hooligans to continue with the blockade, mimicking some kind of reenactment of a “spontaneous gathering of a people” in which Dinko Gruhonjić is meant to serve as an example of what will happen to anyone who questions the Radical hornet’s nest of Vučić’s regime. Vučić’s behavior towards the autonomy of university and the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad mirrors that of Milošević’s attitude towards the autonomy of Vojvodina, while an organized mob of hooligans wearing t-shirts with the image of the murderer of Prime Minister Đinđić simulates a new “happening of the people.”
Violence stems from words, and with his address, Vučić has called for the violence to continue. This is unacceptable, and he will personally be held responsible for any consequences of this violence! While threatening university professors, Vučić did not once refer to the hooligans who, wearing t-shirts with Legija’s image, blocked the faculty and expelled professors and students from it. We insist on calling them hooligans, not spontaneously gathered students, because only hooligans would wear Ulemek’s image on their shirts in Zoran Đinđić Street, where the faculty is located.
We are very concerned for the safety of all professors and employees at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad and all those students who, together with their professors, opposed the aggressors who occupied the faculty. Vučić stands behind the discipline imposed on the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad, and there is no doubt about it. We call on the University of Novi Sad, as well as the Universities of Belgrade, Niš, and Novi Pazar, to support their colleagues, and we call on students from all faculties in Serbia to defend their colleagues whose teaching has been hindered by the hooligan blockade. It becomes clear that by defending the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad, we are defending every person in Serbia and their freedom.
The Regional Academy for Democratic Development calls on the authorities to immediately cease the brutal persecution of journalist Ana Lalić, journalists Dinko Gruhonjić and Zoran Kesić, historian Milivoj Bešlin, and activist Aida Ćorović.
The shameful campaign that has been waged against them for days in the regime tabloids directly targets these people, whose only sin lies in the fact that their views do not suit the regime. The insults to which they are daily exposed by the media controlled by the authorities represent a public call to violence, and it is not surprising that death threats have been made against them and their family members since this campaign against them began.
The media conducting this lynching also have accomplices in the state bodies who do not react to these insults or direct threats, and Vučić’s regime will bear the responsibility for any consequences.
Kalevi Sorsa Foundation has supported democracy in the Western Balkans since 200. Additionally, we want to bring the voices of the Western Balkans into the European debate. In this article, the President of a Serbian think tank Academy for Democratic Development, Balša Božović writes about why Finland should take an active role in supporting the Western Balkans path towards the EU membership. He suggests that Finland could support the Western Balkans the same way it did with the Baltic’s in the 1990’s when they were applying for their EU membership.
· Balša Božović
RUSSIA HAS PROVEN ITS ABILITY TO PROVOKE UNREST IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
The conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have highlighted Europe’s vulnerabilities. These developments present European Union with a novel set of circumstances requiring the consolidation of its strength, reorganization of its internal capabilities, and the continuation of its role as a beacon of peace, democracy, and freedom across the continent.
In these changing geopolitical landscapes, the European Union finds itself lacking the capacity to defend Ukraine or influence the cessation of hostilities in the Middle East. Obviously, EU must continue the supporting Ukraine, but it also has the opportunity to solve problems in its own immediate neighborhood, notably the Western Balkans.
The onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine has further complicated the dynamics within the Western Balkans. Russia has demonstrated not only its ability to halt the region’s progress towards EU integration but also its capacity to instigate unrest, cause instability, and intimidate Europe by suggesting the possibility of opening a ”second front” in the Balkans.
Although lacking the power to incite a widespread war in the region, Russia has shown it can provoke disturbances i.e. in Northern Kosovo, which is evidenced by the terrorist attack in Banjska, Kosovo, thereby signalling to the EU and its Western allies its active and destructive presence in the Western Balkans.
This malign influence is predominantly funnelled through the regime of President Aleksandar Vučić in Serbia. Vučić’s administration, alongside Lukashenko’s in Belarus, stands out in Europe for its refusal to align Serbian foreign and security policy with that of the EU. Amidst the war in Ukraine, Serbian officials have been rewarded by Putin for adhering to a so-called military and foreign policy neutrality, which, in reality, solely benefits Moscow’s regime.
Serbia remains the only country, besides Belarus, not to impose sanctions on Russia. Instead it has chosen to deepen its cooperation with Russia since the onset of aggression against Ukraine. Thus, Russia impedes Serbia’s EU integration and reform processes. Russia has also extended its influence to Northern Kosovo, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and even North Macedonia.
Does this necessitate Serbia’s isolation? No. Should efforts towards strengthening democracy and rule of law in the Western Balkans be abandoned? Certainly not. Any neglect by Western partners, whether partial or total, merely solidifies Russia’s influence network and further undermines peace in the region.
THE NORDIC COUNTRIES COULD HELP IN RESOLVING WESTERN BALKANS CHALLENGES
Firstly, the political instability of the six small Western Balkan states should be addressed by the European Union. The EU must assert that the Western Balkans fall within its sphere of influence and interest. It needs to demonstrate the functionality of its political mechanisms and its capacity to successfully integrate the Western Balkans. Such actions would significantly bolster the EU’s self-confidence and credibility, as becoming a global power necessitates proving its efficacy as a regional force first.
Secondly, the time has come for EU member states to shoulder part of the burden of Western Balkans European integration, showing additional solidarity with the EU’s consolidation efforts. It’s widely acknowledged that the existing model of EU enlargement has depleted its capacities and trust, necessitating a rejuvenating approach, particularly with the aid of EU member states themselves. Here, the Baltic model of EU integration, associated with Finland, merits consideration.
During the 1990s, as the three Baltic states embarked on their journey towards EU membership, three Nordic EU member states—Denmark, Sweden, and Finland—partnered with Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. These Nordic countries provided the Baltic’s with training for public officials, assistance in law harmonization, institution building, and the establishment of necessary decision-making and implementation procedures. They also facilitated communication with EU institutions. This approach is heralded as the most successful instance of EU integration since 2004, if not in its entire history.
The neutrality of the Nordic countries is one of the reasons to apply the Baltic model in the Western Balkans. The role of the largest member states or neighboring countries, would be problematic for the Western Balkans as they have political interests in the region. It could undermine the citizens trust in the EU and the integration process.
Therefore, the six EU member states – Finland, Denmark, Sweden, Ireland, the Netherlands, and Estonia would be excellent partners. They are stable democracies with no particular political interests in the Western Balkans. In addition, they are strongly committed to the EU.
FINLAND CAN BE OF GREAT IMPORTANCE TO THE WESTERN BALKANS COUNTRIES
Finland’s relevance to the Western Balkans extends beyond its democratic achievements and economic stability. Its most critical asset is its extensive experience in counteracting Russian influence, the primary vulnerability of Western Balkan states, especially Serbia, which is the most susceptible to Russian sway.
The advocacy for the Baltic model in the Western Balkans was initiated by Prof. Dr. Vesna Pusić, former Croatian Minister of Foreign Affairs, during the international conference PLENUM in Zagreb in 2022. She articulated the necessity of surrounding Serbia with success to counteract Russian influence, emphasizing the need for a successful integration story by 2030 to restore the EU’s credibility and agility, particularly important for Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and the Western Balkans.
Montenegro, despite its small size and economy, is ready for EU membership but faces political crises instigated by pro-Russian factions and with Serbia’s assistance. Their aim is to derail the country’s European path. Finland, along with Estonia, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Ireland, can support Montenegro, Albania, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in their democratic reforms and European integration efforts. The support would also symbolize Europe’s return to the Western Balkans.
Serbia, with its substantial pro-European opposition and societal need to escape decades of Moscow’s influence, requires robust and decisive partners like Finland to realign with Europe. The Baltic model of European integration could serve as a vital instrument for the region’s Europeanization, ensuring peace and stability in Southeast Europe.
The Regional Academy for Democratic Development demands that the competent authorities refrain from expelling Russian Elena Koposova and from making a decision to extradite Belarusian journalist and opposition activist Andrej Gnjot to the dictatorial regime in Belarus. The reasons for their threatened expulsion from Serbia and extradition to Belarus are legally non-existent, undemocratic, and violate basic human rights.
Elena Koposova has been living in Serbia with her family for four years and in 2022, she signed an anti-war appeal, which was the reason the Security Information Agency marked her as a threat to Serbia’s security. Journalist and well-known opponent of the dictatorial Belarusian regime, Andrej Gnjot, who was detained by the police the moment he stepped into Serbia and has been in the District Prison in Belgrade for four months, was not even summoned to the court for a hearing when the Belarusian request for his extradition arrived.
We remind that this would not be the first time Serbia extradites political prisoners to undemocratic regimes. Despite the opposition of the United Nations and decisions by the European Court of Human Rights, individuals have been extradited to Turkey and Bahrain, where they face persecution, torture, and death. Just a few days after the murder of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, the expulsion of Koposova from Serbia and the extradition of Gnjot to Belarus would be a message that the regime in Serbia supports the persecution and inhumane treatment of critics of dictatorial regimes in Russia and Belarus.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS AND THE ROLE OF THE WEST
Serbian nationalism, historically aligned with Russia, instigated four wars in the 1990s against Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and NATO. Although Slobodan Milošević was ousted in 2000, the nationalist elite responsible for the wars has never been removed from power. Post-2000, a coalition between the nationalist elite, the Serbian Orthodox Church, and Russia gave rise to the “Serb World,” aligning with the security and foreign policy of the “Russian World” in the Western Balkans. Nationalists in Serbia acknowledge neighboring countries’ territorial integrity but deny their sovereignty, advocating that only nations possess sovereignty, making borders relative. President Aleksandar Vučić considers himself the leader of all Serbs, adopting a doctrine of limited sovereignty. This nationalism asserts the right to intervene where Serbs reside under the pretext of protecting Serbian rights, mirroring the Russian narrative in the Ukraine conflict, and fostering a centralized, corrupt regime with anti-European sentiments. This regime cannot create strong and independent institutions; only para-states influenced by Russia.
Western efforts to redirect Serbia’s allegiance from Russia to the West are misguided. The “Serbian World” aims to prevent neighboring countries, particularly those with Serb populations, from joining the EU, advocating for Serbs to be unified in one place and not divided between the EU and Serbia. Belgrade prevented a pro-EU government from being formed in Montenegro and supported pro-Russian factions entering the government, seeks to destabilize Bosnia and Herzegovina through Russian and Serbian proxies in Republika Srpska, and provokes ethnic conflict in Kosovo.
Potential solutions
Democratization and decentralization of Serbia: Centralization and autocracy are powerful tools of aggressive Serbian nationalism. Until Serbia undergoes democratization, freedom and democracy for its citizens, and peace for neighboring states, will remain elusive.
Baltic model of EU integration process: This model involves strong partnerships between Western Balkan countries and stable EU democracies that have no specific political agendas in the region. During the 1990s, when the three Baltic states embarked on their path towards EU membership, three Nordic EU member states partnered with them. They trained their public officials, and helped harmonize laws, build institutions, and introduce necessary decision-making and implementation procedures. They also facilitated their communication with EU institutions. To this day, it is considered the most successful integration into the EU since 2004. Partners for Western Balkan aspirant states cannot be the largest EU members, nor the states too close to the region. The reason is the latent danger that the neighboring states have their political agendas in the region, leading to a distrust among the citizens of the Western Balkan countries in their bona fide intentions. In summary, the six EU member states, partners to the Western Balkan countries on their path to the EU, should all be stable democracies without specific political agendas in the region and have a strong EU orientation.
Bosnia and Herzegovina as a civil state: Propose a democratic constitution for Bosnia and Herzegovina, initiating electoral law reforms based on universal voting rights rather than ethnicity.
Kosovo’s NATO integration: Facilitate Kosovo’s NATO membership and establish the Association of Serb Municipalities without executive powers.
Montenegro’s EU membership: Liberate Montenegro from Russian and Serbian influence through its accelerated accession to the EU.
