Panel Dedicated to Ranko Končar: Are the Protests a Vojvodinian Spring in November?
Historian Milivoj Bešlin stated at the panel discussion marking the tenth anniversary of the death of Vojvodinian historian Prof. Dr. Ranko Končar that the ongoing civic and student protests in Novi Sad and Vojvodina signal both political and, more importantly, societal subjectivization of Vojvodina.
“Novi Sad and Vojvodina are leading the protests, setting the trends. To me, this truly resembles a Vojvodinian spring in November,” said Bešlin at the event titled “Does Vojvodina Have the Strength for Autonomy?” The panel was organized to honor the legacy of Ranko Končar (1938-2014).
Bešlin emphasized that Vojvodina must fight for its autonomous status within Serbia with its own strength. “For the first time in decades, we see a protest movement in Vojvodina that distinguishes it from other parts of Serbia, indicating that this is about more than just one tragedy—more than the murder of 15 people due to crony corruption under the current regime,” he said.
He added that the fall of Aleksandar Vučić’s ultranationalist and mafia-like regime would inevitably lead to questioning all the core principles of Serbia’s centralized and nationalist system, including the issue of Vojvodina’s autonomy.
Branka Dragović, Editor-in-Chief of the Autonomija portal, described today’s protests as a boomerang effect of the “Yogurt Revolution” of 1988, when Slobodan Milošević’s regime dismantled Vojvodina’s autonomy by destroying its institutions.
“Protests today are a boomerang for the Yogurt Revolution. People are now demanding the return of institutions and regulations—essentially, the restoration of what was destroyed during the Yogurt Revolution,” Dragović said.
She argued that Serbia’s centralized governance model is a constant and that there is a political consensus against Vojvodina’s autonomy in the country. “Serbia operates as a single electoral district, which is unheard of in Europe. Vojvodina must be a distinct electoral district to have political representation. It is impossible to create a regional political scene under the current political system,” she said.
Sonja Biserko, President of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, stated that the mass protests across Serbia have shattered the culture of fear among citizens and opened up possibilities for new politics.
“I believe we are witnessing the end of an era and a political system that has caused misery for the entire region and Serbia itself,” Biserko said, adding that Novi Sad and other cities in Vojvodina have finally found their voice in these protests.
Whether this will lead to greater demands for Vojvodina’s autonomy remains to be seen, she noted. Biserko also pointed out that, according to the latest census, Serbs account for 65% of Vojvodina’s population—far below the expectations of nationalists.
“Despite ethnic engineering, Vojvodina has managed to preserve its identity,” she observed, adding that the 2006 Constitution entrenched centralization in Serbia, making Vojvodina the biggest loser among all former Yugoslav regions.
“Vojvodina has always been treated as war spoils, a view perpetuated by Serbian nationalists, led by Dobrica Ćosić,” Biserko concluded.
Aleksandra Jerkov from the Regional Academy for Democratic Development stated that Vojvodina is the epicenter of political events and the starting point for change, serving as a role model for other regions in Serbia.
She argued that Vojvodina’s autonomy has never been welcomed in Serbia. “The attitudes toward war crimes and reconciliation, women’s human rights, and Vojvodina’s autonomy are three areas where there is a consensus within the so-called Belgrade political elite,” Jerkov said.
The event also included the promotion of Ranko Končar’s posthumously published book, “Through Historical Thought to Understanding the Past and Present,” edited by Milivoj Bešlin.
Source: Autonomija
